Sunday, August 6, 2017

Language and Wild, Foraged Food Knowledge


Nettle and Goat Cheese Briouattes

Introduction:

            For a very long time now, languages have been a big part of my life and very dear to me. I started learning French in middle school about 10 years ago for pretty superficial reasons. No one that I really knew spoke a second language, and at the time I felt like Spanish was too mainstream. So, being the hip, trend-setting 13-year-old that I was, I decided that it was a great idea to be super original and learn French. In all sincerity, I discovered a passion for languages that I didn’t even know I had and which would influence me in big ways throughout my life.
            Fast-forward 10 years and here I am with a BA degree in Modern Languages and Literature (specifically French and Arabic) living, studying, and working in Germany and of course learning German in doing so. 13-year-old me would be proud to see that I now speak four languages (albeit, to varying degrees); and little did he know that languages, not unlike tattoos and roast chicken flavored potato chips, are addictive and as soon as you acquire one, all you want is to have more.
However, my hands down favorite thing about languages and learning languages is idioms. There’s nothing better than adding fun sayings to your repertoire that you can use when needing to express something so specific yet so accurately that the listener understands exactly what you mean after just one idiom. Perhaps you avoid hanging out with someone because in Arabic they have heavy blood; or maybe they’ve done something in the past, and now you are a scalded cat that fears cold water in French (happy Google searching to find out what both of those mean). But one of my favorite sayings of all time – and one that brings all of this back around to wild, foraged food (WFF) – is the German expression, “sich in die Nesseln setzen” or “to sit in the nettles”; which is what you say when you’ve done something to put yourself in a difficult/unpleasant situation.

Nettles (Urtica dioica)

For those of you who are not familiar with nettles, you are in luck; because this week we will be delving into this WFF that is absolutely delicious but takes a little finesse to work with safely. But fear not, because you will be itching for recipes with nettles. By the end of this post, you’ll go out and forage for so many nettles that you’ll be bursting at the seams with them! It will be the rashest culinary craze that you’ve had in a while!
…nettles can sting. So you need to be careful and read this post. Speaking of bad  great puns and this entire introduction about languages and idioms, we will also be discussing about how WFF knowledge influences language and vice versa by investigating idioms about WFF and the revealing aspects of WFF nomenclature. But before we sit ourselves too deep in the nettles, let’s get to know them a little better.
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Foraging:

In the Field
            There are a couple different types of nettles within the species (Urtica dioica), and not all will sting you. However, I find that stinging nettles are vastly more common and accessible than other kinds, so for all intents and purposes of this post, I will refer to stinging nettles simply as “nettles”. As for their season, nettles are one of the first things to pop up in the spring, and in Heidelberg they are absolutely everywhere. They can easily be found in residential areas that aren’t too manicured, and so you don’t even need to go into the mountains to look for them if you don’t feel like it.
      Similar to the case before with blackberries, proper equipment is a must. However, whereas blackberry bushes are thorny and can scrape you, nettles are rather hairy, and these hairs covering all parts of the plant are what will sting you. When these hairs brush up against your skin, that is when this sharp stinging sensation occurs, and the area of the skin can become enflamed and develop welts. It’s no fun to accidentally brush up against nettles, and I can only imagine that putting them in your mouth is equally horrible. Therefore, before going out to forage for nettles, be sure to bring a pair of gardening gloves and long pants. Neither of these things need to be especially sturdy; you just need a layer of protection between your skin and nettles.
      Now that you have been thoroughly warned and have outfitted yourself with the proper equipment to forage for nettles safely, I have to mention one intriguing exception. Although the leaves (the edible part that you want to collect) also have these tiny hairs that coat their surface, I have found that they actually don’t sting like the hairs all along the stem of the plant. Although many sources will say that you have to cook nettles before they are edible, I found plenty of salad recipes that are made from raw nettle leaves. Wanting to get to the bottom of this to be the best informant I can be, I sacrificed my hands and trachea and tasted a nettle leaf raw in the field. Sure enough, the leave had no stinging effect on my bare hands and my mouth and throat didn’t swell up with irritation when I ate it raw. So I see only two possible possibilities as to why this could be so. Either I am a superhuman of an especially advanced race that is immune to nettle leaf stings; or nettle leaves are harmless. I’ll let you decide which possibility is the most plausible, and you can adjust your nettle consuming practices accordingly. In any case, I still advise to wear gloves and long pants because even my superhuman titanium skin is sensitive to the stings from the plants stems which you inevitably have to touch when harvesting the leaves. Also, to double down on safety, the recipe this week (Nettle and Goat Cheese Briouattes) involves cooked nettles, not raw ones. That said, when harvesting the leaves, be sure to pick of any large bits of stem that still may be attached. This isn’t completely necessary if you are planning on cooking the nettles anyway, but it makes processing them in the kitchen a lot easier when you don’t have to worry about those bits stinging you as you wash them, cook them, chop them, etc. Now is also a good time to mention that nettles behave very similarly in the kitchen to spinach, meaning that they lose a lot of water and will shrink exponentially when cooked. Therefore, when foraging for nettles, you want to harvest quite a bit. About 3-4 times as much as you intend to have as a finished product. For this recipe, I filled up a cloth grocery bag’s worth and it was the perfect amount to render about 50 g of cooked, drained nettles.


In the Kitchen            
Speaking of recipes and cooking, let’s talk about nettles in the kitchen. Once you’ve filled up a cloth grocery bag’s worth of nettles, it’s time to bring them to the kitchen and process them for whatever recipe that involves cooked nettles. As with any produce but especially foraged ingredients, it is very important to begin by washing the nettles thoroughly. While you are washing the nettles, boil a pot of water. Now that the nettles are nice and washed, you have a decision to make regarding that pot of boiling water. To cook the nettles, you have two options: boiling or steaming. I prefer to steam for many reasons; you only need to bring a few centimeters of water to a boil versus an entire pot; you can steam in batches, meaning you don’t have to drain all the water and reboil another pot if you are working with a lot of nettles; the nettles won’t overcook as easily; and the flavor and nutrition of the nettles stays in them when steamed, as opposed to seeping into the water when boiling. If you don’t have any apparatus to steam in, I highly suggest you buy one/make a DIY one; but for now, boiling is also a fine option if you cannot steam.
      In either case, nettles don’t take that long to cook. A batch of nettles takes not even 5 minutes to just barely wilt down; so keep your eye on them and give them a toss every now and then to steam evenly. At that point, you can remove and rinse them immediately under cold water to stop the cooking process and preserve the color. Once you have your cooked but cool to the touch nettles, you need to drain the excess water from them. Simply use your hands to gather and squeeze the nettles into a tight ball and drain any moisture. At this point, you give the shriveled nettle-ball a rough chop, and the nettles are ready to go for whatever recipe that calls for cooked greens of some sort. You can throw them into a soup, mix them into a sauce or dip, or use them in a filling like we will do with the recipe this week. Apart from their earthy and delicious flavor, nettles are unsurprisingly very nutritious and versatile enough to be added to nearly any dish.
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Language and WFF Knowledge:

After this foraging crash course, we are now well acquainted with nettles and know how to handle this tasty, prolific, and versatile WFF so that we don’t end up sitting in the nettles. However, before I introduce the recipe for this week, I want to discuss the role of language in the production and dissemination of WFF knowledge. As promised, this section will investigate idioms involving WFF and how the nomenclature of WFF reveals certain aspects of knowledge transmission. These two ways in which language influences WFF knowledge and vice versa are expressed in ethnobotanical surveys taken in Morocco, Sardinia, the Iberian Peninsula, and the Yunnan Province of China. Upon analyzing these studies, we will see how the language(s) of a certain locale are intertwined with and affect the knowledge about WFF that is produced and circulated therein.

Local Proverbs and Sayings
We will first focus on the incorporation of WFF into local proverbs. Such linguistic expressions are revealing not only because they show how the language of a community reflects their WFF knowledge, but also because these proverbs in turn influence the interlocutors’ experience and perception of WFF knowledge. In this way, the interaction of WFF knowledge and language is not a one-way street, but the two influence each other in distinct ways.
            To give an example, the study in Morocco discussed the existence of both positive and negative attitudes towards certain WFF among several different villages. They report that informants in one village expressed very negative attitudes regarding one WFF with a local proverb that states “If a child eats too much bakola [the general word for WFF] when he is small he will not learn to speak (because bakola is meant for animals and animals don’t speak)”[1]. Although short, significant insight regarding this local knowledge system can be deduced from this proverb. It shows that this strong negative perception of WFF is reinforced by the locally validated knowledge that WFF is for speechless animals and therefore should not be consumed by small children who are learning to speak[2]. From this, a local proverb is crafted to accurately and conveniently express the dangers attributed to WFF, and a clear influence on the community’s language from their WFF knowledge is established.
            However, this influence is not merely a one-way exchange between WFF knowledge and language. Although many people in the village most likely do not have personal experience with children being handicapped due to eating WFF at a young age, they are indeed familiar with this proverb that warns them of such an occurrence. As a result, locals curbed their practices of gathering and consuming WFF in this particular village to avoid what this proverb expresses. Thus, we see how language in this case influenced the locals’ foraging practices and performance of WFF knowledge. Therefore, not only is this negative perception of WFF reinforced by the locally validated knowledge of WFF hindering children’s speech, but it is also reinforced by the very proverb created to perpetuate it.
            A very similar situation can be found in the study executed in the Iberian Peninsula. In Piloña, Spain, there exists a local saying that translates as “She/he ate Rorippa nasturtium-aquaticum” and refers to starving[3]. This particular WFF was consumed widely during periods of scarcity, especially during and after the civil war from 1936-1939[4]. As such, negative associations are attributed to this species in particular. As a result, the study found that Piloña is the only site of the six regions investigated where this plant was not consumed, even though it was one of the most important wild vegetable species in Spain as a whole[5].
            Like the Moroccan example, this exhibits the interplay between language and WFF knowledge. Local sayings are created from preexisting perceptions of WFF; but in turn, these linguistic expressions reinforce the attitudes that created them. As a result, these sayings affect peoples’ practices and performances of WFF knowledge. We can even infer that if individuals do not partake in foraging due to negative attitudes perpetuated by local sayings, then their knowledge of these WFF may suffer as a consequence. In this way, we see how WFF knowledge and language are intertwined and influence one another.

Nomenclature
            Although there exists plenty fun proverbs that reveal influences between the language of a certain site and its WFF knowledge[6], they are not the only linguistic phenomenon that links language and WFF knowledge. The next few examples will show how nomenclature provides insight into locally validated knowledge and specifically how it is transmitted. These processes of a locale’s nomenclature of WFF further testify to the interplay between language and WFF knowledge.
            In many ethnobotanical studies, the researchers draw a distinction between the scientific taxonomy of plants and what is often referred to as “ethnospecies”[7]. Essentially, this term refers to the local name used to identify “a single type of plant by the people who use them”[8]. This form of nomenclature often does not directly correspond to the scientific taxonomy (formatted as: Genus species). For example, in a survey taken in Sardinia, 19% of the local names for WFF that they recorded each referred to more than one botanical species and sometimes of a completely different botanical genera or family[9]. Therefore, in cases like this, there are often a larger number of scientific, taxonomical species than ethnospecies in a given site since a single ethnospecies may refer to more than one botanical species.
            This ethnospecies system of nomenclature once again reveals the local validation of WFF knowledge. Although the official “Genus species” format of taxonomy is considered to be the most accurate and perhaps the truest form of nomenclature in scientific circles, this entirely distinct form of nomenclature that produces ethnospecies reveals that this official, scientific taxonomy is less important for the people who are dealing with WFF in a certain locale. In any given site, considering what may be three separate botanical species as a single ethnospecies with one name can be locally validated knowledge. Thus, we see how nomenclature – via the establishment of ethnospecies – testifies to a local WFF knowledge that differs from what is officially recognized in scientific circles as well as other locales.
            In addition to ethnospecies attesting to locally validated knowledge, scrutinizing nomenclature also reveals how this knowledge is transmitted. For example, an ethnobotanical study conducted in the Yunnan province of China found that whether or not a WFF had a local name was “helpful in recognizing the knowledge transmission pathways”[10]. A WFF that has a name in the local Naxi language indicates “prolonged consumption history” and that the knowledge of it is most likely indigenous to the locale[11]. However, certain WFF have no Naxi name but instead names in other minority languages or Mandarin[12]. Thus, “this indicates that Naxi people may [have learned] to use them from the Han Chinese as well as other minorities”[13]. From where this knowledge of certain WFF was transmitted to the Naxi can therefore be clarified via investigating the nomenclature of these WFF.
            In the Moroccan study previously mentioned, the researchers were also able to find a link between economic exchange and knowledge transmission when investigating the nomenclature of WFF. They noticed stark variations in local names depending on which village or region they were analyzing[14]. For example, the name of a single WFF may differ completely between villages of the same region or even among the same village[15]. However, they discovered that “groups with historical trade relations shared greater similarity in plant names than groups which were geographically closer to each other but who had not traded with each other”[16]. This serves as linguistic evidence that “plant knowledge and nomenclature were exchanged along trade networks in addition to plant material”[17]. Thus, by examining a common thread in the nomenclature, researchers were able to identify trade networks and market spaces where WFF knowledge was disseminated.
            With these examples from Sardinia, the Yunnan province, and Morocco, we see how nomenclature reveals certain aspects of WFF knowledge systems. Ethnospecies testify to WFF knowledge’s situatedness in that what is locally validated often differs from official scientific authority as well as from other sites. Meanwhile, nomenclature points to how WFF knowledge is transmitted, and with its help we can identify specific networks of exchange in which this knowledge disseminates. These examples further testify to the intertwinement of language and WFF and also how they influence each other; since establishing ethnospecies validates certain knowledge over others and at the same time the transmission pathways of WFF knowledge result in the local names of WFF in a given site.

Conclusion
            After analyzing these sites of WFF knowledge, we have discovered that idioms involving WFF are more valuable than purely being fun sayings to spice up your linguistic repertoire. They reveal how a community’s WFF knowledge affects their own experiences and shapes their attitudes which are in turn expressed linguistically via these sayings. However, the persistent use of these sayings reinforces negative attitudes of WFF knowledge which result in a decline of performing WFF knowledge and potentially a general loss of WFF knowledge. In addition to proverbs and sayings, nomenclature further reveals the intertwined relationship between language and WFF knowledge. Establishing ethnospecies can be seen as a way to locally validate WFF knowledge, and scrutinizing local names for WFF helps to trace the networks in which this knowledge is transmitted. Finally, both cases – proverbs and nomenclature – testify to a peculiar mutual influence between language and WFF knowledge by which both affect and reinforce the other. In this way, we see once again the situatedness of WFF knowledge and how language is an important social factor of a locale that affects how WFF knowledge is produced and disseminated.
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Sites of Forage Recipe:

Nettle and Goat Cheese Briouattes


            Maybe you call them briouattes, maybe you call them samosas or sambusas; in this case, nomenclature isn’t so important. What is important is that they are crispy golden pockets with tasty fillings. I tasted them for the first time in Morocco, where they are called briouattes (بريوات) and made them for the first time with Moroccans. So, for me they are briouattes, but you go ahead and call them whatever you want. Except puffy pancake cloud, that’s taken already (please see the post “Age and WFF Knowledge” for more information on the etymology of puffy pancake cloud).
            There are infinite different kinds of briouattes since the possibilities for fillings are endless in both the sweet and savory spectrums. But essentially the method is the same for all; wrap small amounts of filling in strips of thin pastry and bake or fry until crispy. If baking, the strips of pastry must be oiled before wrapped around the filling and baked so that the layers will become crispy. However, if frying, this step is unnecessary. Although it is more active work to oil the strips of pastry, I prefer this method to frying because it is less messy, you can cook more at a time, and the results are identical to the fried version. Also, potentially healthier and absorb less oil? I’m no scientist, but sure, let’s say they’re healthier so that we can eat more without the guilt. How does that old proverb go? You can have your briouattes and eat them too? I’m pretty sure Marie-Antoinette said that verbatim.
            Anyway, as for the pastry itself, briouattes are traditionally made with an ultra-thin pastry called warqa (ورقة). If you can find warqa outside of Morocco, congratulations on being a wizard, I’m super jealous and afraid of you. For the rest of us who can’t, phyllo dough (sometimes spelled “filo dough”) is always a trusty replacement to get those crispy thin layers.
            There are also multiple styles to wrap briouattes which produce different shapes. Sometimes you see them in the form of a cigar, other times a right-angle triangle. However, I feel like the shape I see the most often is an equilateral triangle shape. I also find these to be the prettiest, so that is the shape that will be demonstrated in this recipe. But feel free to get creative and experiment with different shapes. Try your hand at the cigars, right-angle triangles, double helix, pterodactyl…the possibilities are endless!
            These briouattes incorporate the cooked nettles described earlier as well as goat cheese for a delicious, vegetarian filling and make great snacks, hors d’oeuvres, or even a light meal in the summertime when served alongside a salad. They are delicious just as they are, but can be dressed up even more with dipping sauces like an herb chutney or a puree of roasted peppers.

Ingredients:

For the filling:
100 g goat cheese, soft and smearable (such as chevre)
50 g feta cheese
50 g nettles, cooked and drained
½ onion, minced
½ tsp salt
1 tsp black pepper

For the pastry:
3 sheets phyllo dough, each cut into 4 long strips
40 g butter, melted
40 g vegetable oil

Method:

            Preheat oven to 200°C and line a baking sheet with baking paper. Combine all of the ingredients for the filling into a smooth paste; best to use your hands for this. Mix the oil and melted butter together. Working quickly, with one strip of dough at a time and keeping the rest of the phyllo dough covered with a moist cloth to prevent it from drying out, brush both sides of the strip of dough with the butter/oil mixture. Take approximately 2 Tbsp of filling and shape into a somewhat flat equilateral triangle. Line up one of the sides of the triangle with one of the long edges of the dough at the end of the strip closest to you. Fold the small amount of excess dough (closest to you) over the filling. Flip the filling-triangle over to wrap it in dough, being sure that a side of the triangle aligns along the edge of the dough. Continue flipping the filling until the entire strip of dough is wrapped around, and you have a triangular briouatte. Avoid wrapping too tight around the filling; otherwise it will burst while baking. Place seam side down onto the baking sheet. Continue the same folding process with the rest of the filling and dough strips. Bake for 15-20 minutes until golden brown all over. Enjoy immediately or cool completely and freeze for another time. Briouattes warm up in a hot oven very well once already baked and frozen.


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Sources

Geng, Yanfei, Yu Zhang, Sailesh Ranjitkar, Huyin Huai, and Yuhua Wang. "Traditional Knowledge and Its Transmission of Wild Edibles Used by the Naxi in Baidi Village, Northwest Yunnan Province." Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 12 (February 05 2016): 10.
Ophir, Adi, and Steven Shapin. "The Place of Knowledge: A Methodological Survey." Science in Context 4  (1991): 3-21.
Pardo-de-Santayana, Manuel, Javier Tardío, Emilio Blanco, Ana Carvalho, Juan Lastra, Elia San Miguel, and Ramón Morales. "Traditional Knowledge of Wild Edible Plants Used in the Northwest of the Iberian Peninsula (Spain and Portugal): A Comparative Study." Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 3, no. 1 (2007): 27.
Powell, Bronwen, Abderrahim Ouarghidi, Timothy Johns, Mohamed Ibn Tattou, and Pablo Eyzaguirre. "Wild Leafy Vegetable Use and Knowledge across Multiple Sites in Morocco: A Case Study for Transmission of Local Knowledge?". Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 10:34 (2014).
Signorini, Maria Adele, Maddalena Piredda, and Piero Bruschi. "Plants and Traditional Knowledge: An Ethnobotanical Investigation on Monte Ortobene (Nuoro, Sardinia)." Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 5 (Feb 10 2009): 6.



[1] Bronwen Powell et al., "Wild Leafy Vegetable Use and Knowledge across Multiple Sites in Morocco: A Case Study for Transmission of Local Knowledge?," Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 10:34 (2014).
[2] For more information on knowledge’s value through local credibility and verification, see the post “Age and WFF Knowledge” and its reference to:
Adi Ophir and Steven Shapin, "The Place of Knowledge: A Methodological Survey," Science in Context 4  (1991).

[3] Manuel Pardo-de-Santayana et al., "Traditional Knowledge of Wild Edible Plants Used in the Northwest of the Iberian Peninsula (Spain and Portugal): A Comparative Study," Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 3, no. 1 (2007).
[4] Ibid.
[5] Ibid.
[6] In the local Sardinian language, there exists a joking metaphor that translates to “It wilted like wild garlic” (Allium triquetrum) and refers to something that loses all vitality and appeal after “blooming”. In addition to that, the Sardinian word for Reichardia picroides designates a stupid person (mammalucca for women and mammaluccu for men). Although no concrete mutual influence between the language and WFF knowledge can be deciphered from this alone, these two examples nonetheless show a one-way influence of WFF knowledge on the language as well as an intriguing incorporation of WFF knowledge into everyday experience as revealed through expressions. For more information, see:
Maria Adele Signorini, Maddalena Piredda, and Piero Bruschi, "Plants and Traditional Knowledge: An Ethnobotanical Investigation on Monte Ortobene (Nuoro, Sardinia)," Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 5 (2009).
[7] Signorini, Piredda, and Bruschi et al.
[8] Signorini, Piredda, and Bruschi.
[9] Ibid.
[10] Yanfei Geng et al., "Traditional Knowledge and Its Transmission of Wild Edibles Used by the Naxi in Baidi Village, Northwest Yunnan Province," Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 12 (2016).
[11] Ibid.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Ibid.
[14] Powell et al.
[15] Ibid.
[16] Ibid.
[17] Ibid.

Monday, July 24, 2017

Age and Wild, Foraged Food Knowledge

Dutch Baby with Wild Blackberries and Greek Yogurt

Introduction:

Age ain’t nothing but a number – a phrase we all love to mumble to ourselves with each passing birthday or sing aloud when listening to our 90’s R&B playlist. Yet, how does this phrase hold up when considering knowledge systems of wild, foraged food (WFF)? In this post, we will be investigating how age as a social factor can affect the dynamics of WFF knowledge in a localized setting. Upon analyzing and discussing multiple ethnobotanical case studies, the importance of age manifests itself in the following ways: a trend that WFF knowledge is largely restricted to older generations, edible flowers being excluded from WFF knowledge, and the vital role of generational inheritance of WFF knowledge. It becomes clear that age indeed plays a significant role in the social fabric of local contexts when considering WFF knowledge, and – dare I say – it is indeed much more than just a number.

1: Restriction of WFF knowledge to older generations
While reading the textual materials for Sites of Forage, I came across an overwhelming trend that WFF knowledge is largely restricted to older generations. Nearly every ethnobotanical survey attests that they acquired the majority of their data from elderly members of the community that they study.
For example, a study conducted in several villages located in the northwest of the Iberian Peninsula explain that mostly “elderly, long-time residents” were interviewed due to their sound knowledge of WFF and their uses and that “many of the reported uses exist only in the collective memory of the elderly”[1]. Numerous other studies also share that they obtained most of their information on WFF from older members in the community[2].
One possible reason behind this restriction of WFF to older generations also deals with age as a significant factor. An ethnobotanical survey in Palestine attributes a decline in wild food gathering – and thus a decline in knowledge about these foods – to “negative connections” by middle-aged  members of these communities who “perceive the consumption of wild edible plants in a negative way as a symbol of poverty of the past”[3]. Similar sentiments were shared by middle-aged informants in a village in Yunnan province of China[4]. The same study in the Iberian Peninsula also attests to many people regarding WFF as “famine food” and consider it to be “old fashioned”; although this study in particular does not explicitly attribute these sentiments to the middle-aged generation, one can deduce that this is most likely the case since it explains the elderly’s positive perception of WFF by reliving the nostalgic “flavours of their childhood” by continuing to forage[5].
However, there also exists an intriguing exception to this trend that WFF is restricted to older generations in which age plays a markedly different role in WFF knowledge. A study in Nepal noted that although most WFF knowledge was confined to older women, many of these local WFF specialists would defer to younger members of the community – mostly boys – when it came to specific knowledge about wild fruits[6]. The reason behind this discrepancy is because younger people in these communities are tasked with being herdsmen and as such spend entire days in the forest where fruit is commonly found and eaten as a snack[7]. Therefore, while the majority of informants in their study were older women, these scholars obtained a significant amount of knowledge on wild fruits – one of the staple foods in their diet – from young boys.
An exception like this testifies to the situatedness of WFF knowledge. Although the vast majority of sites will attest to the trend that WFF knowledge is restricted to older generations, scrutinizing the localized setting in Nepal reveals that age as a social factor affects WFF knowledge in a remarkable way. Instead of the older generation having a total monopoly of this knowledge, the youth are specialists in their own right and act as important holders of WFF knowledge to whom the more seasoned informants would defer. The scholars of this study even conclude that fellow ethnobotanists should take care to consider young people’s potential contribution to WFF knowledge, even though it may appear more useful to recruit informants exclusively or mostly from older generations[8].
With the acknowledgement of this exception, the overwhelming trend that WFF knowledge is restricted to older generations reveals how age is an important social factor in the knowledge systems at play. Since WFF knowledge is largely generational, the elderly serve as gatekeepers of this knowledge. This role highlights their importance as valuable community members in foraging societies. Not only are they sources of knowledge within their own communities, but scholars of ethnobotany depend on these older generations to obtain data for their surveys. As will be explained more in depth later in this post, these ethnobotanical surveys are often dedicated to preserving WFF knowledge so that it does not disappear completely with the passing of the elderly. Therefore, these older generations are a crucial component for the survival of WWF knowledge; and in this way, age is a significant factor in the localized social contexts that affect the knowledge of WWF.

Bärlauch (Allium ursinum) flowers are an example of edible wild flowers. They have a delicate, mild onion flavor.

2: Exclusion of flowers from locally verified knowledge and ethnobotanical research
However, WFF knowledge being restricted to older generations is not the only way age plays a role in its production and dissemination. Several of the surveys point to an epistemic lack of edible flowers as WFF in ethnobotanical surveys[9]. But, what does this have to do with age?
Although many communities – especially in Europe – report instances of snacking on flowers for their sweet nectar, such a practice is usually a past-time of children[10]. Flowers thus have the reputation of being “children’s food” and are often overlooked by informants and researchers[11]. Surveys in Sardinia and Dagestan both briefly mention eating flowers as a phenomenon specific to children – although also report cases of adults occasionally taking part as well – yet in both cases, this case of WFF only receives a brief mention[12],[13]. The Dagestan survey even admits that they could not report many instances of eating flowers because their “main focus was on adults”[14] – not surprising, considering again that the older generations usually hold the vast majority of WFF knowledge.
This is a prime example of the relativity of knowledge; essentially that all knowledge exists not by virtue of absolute standards but rather through processes of establishing local credibility[15]. In our case, although snacking on flowers is indeed an example of foraging for wild food, its rejection as a frivolous practice reserved for children results in the practice’s exclusion from being locally verified knowledge. Since this “childish” practice is often in the community not considered true WFF knowledge, it is passed over by researchers collecting data to construct this knowledge in their surveys. Therefore, not only is flower-eating  unverified knowledge in the local context, but a distinct lack of information on edible flowers as WFF becomes apparent in ethnobotanical studies as a whole; and the examples in the Iberian Peninsula, Sardinia, and Dagestan testify to this.
Unlike in the older generations, where WFF knowledge is abundant and whose members therefore serve as authorities on this verified local knowledge, age affects the knowledge systems in a very different way when analyzing children’s common practice of snacking on wild flowers. The belief the flower-eating is childish – brought about by an age disparity – result in edible flowers’ exclusion from what is taken seriously as locally verified knowledge. Consequently, flowers become markedly excluded from ethnobotanical studies at large.
Yet although the examples at our disposal testify to this trend in ethnobotany to exclude instances of children eating flowers – doubly reinforced by their focus on older generations, being the most abundant source of WFF knowledge – the Iberian study claims the importance of edible flowers and express regret that they are often neglected in research[16]. This echoes the previously discussed survey taken in Nepal which concluded that, although older generations usually hold the vast majority of WFF knowledge, excluding younger generations as informants could be detrimental in reporting WFF knowledge since younger people may specialize in certain – often important – species that otherwise would remain undocumented[17].
With these two examples of analyzing the situatedness of WFF knowledge in localized settings, we can conclude that researchers should – if truly wanting to obtain the most accurate picture of foraging practices and WFF usages – not focus too intensely on older generations but also look to younger generations for specialized foraging practices. Albeit certain foods may be disregarded as “childish” in their local contexts, neglecting these foods is potentially neglecting an entire body of specialized knowledge that may be of value in their own research.  

3: Vital role of generational inheritance of WFF knowledge.
In addition to older generations serving as authorities on WFF knowledge and edible flowers being excluded from locally verified knowledge, this last topic about age affecting WFF knowledge plays a crucial role in the longevity and ultimately the survival of this knowledge – generational inheritance of WFF knowledge.
In order to analyze this aspect of how WFF knowledge is circulated, it is important to understand the intricacies of how this knowledge can be transmitted. Alberto Acerbi and Domenico Parisi outline the following three ways of “cultural transmission between and within generations”: vertical, oblique, and horizontal transmission[18]. With respect to WFF knowledge, vertical transmission occurs when knowledge of WFF is passed down from parents to offspring; oblique transmission, from individuals of one generation to unrelated individuals of a younger generation; and finally horizontal transmission is the sharing of knowledge between individuals of the same generation[19]. While all three forms of transmission are practiced in the dissemination of WFF knowledge, Acerbi and Parisi note that vertical transmission takes on an especially important role in smaller-scale, more traditional societies[20]. As the research sites in our examples exhibit – some even explicitly mention[21] – these smaller, more rural societies where foraging traditions are still upheld to a relatively high degree depend on intergenerational transmission, both vertical and oblique.
For example, the study in Dagestan attests that “it is mostly girls who are socialized to traditional women’s roles (cooking […])” and therefore “learn about wild leafy-vegetables used in the kitchen from older women in the family”[22]. Although this study also discusses the village’s central square and kitchens as sites of horizontal transmission – all of which and more will be discussed in depth in a later post on social sites of WFF knowledge exchange – the researchers point out that “most local’s knowledge about wild leafy vegetables comes from their older kin”[23]. This example testifies to the important role that age plays as social factor to the dissemination of WFF knowledge, since knowledge transmission between older and younger generations plays such a vital role in more rural societies where foraging traditions are still upheld.
However, in this importance of generational transmission of knowledge, we see a direct link to this knowledge being restricted to older generations and a threat to the longevity of this WFF knowledge. One of the reasons why WFF knowledge tends to be exclusive to older generations is because young people often migrate away from their rural homes to cities to pursue education and careers in a more urban environment[24]. According to informants in the Yunnan study, “such migration severely disrupted the transfer of local wild edibles knowledge between generations and led to the loss of [WFF knowledge]”[25]. Since WFF knowledge depends on intergenerational transmission, the displacement of younger generations away from their rural homes and kin reinforces the trend that WFF knowledge is largely restricted to older generations. As a result, the passing away of these older generations may have detrimental consequences to the large body of WFF knowledge that they almost exclusively hold.
With these examples, we see this final way in which age affects the dissemination of WFF knowledge. As is evident in the ethnobotanical surveys at our disposal, these small-scale societies in rural locations who still uphold traditional foraging practices largely depend on vertical and oblique transmission of WFF knowledge from older to younger generations. In this way, age becomes a crucial social factor in these localized settings for the flows of knowledge among the communities’ members.
Yet, the tendency for younger people to move away from their homes and kin reinforces the aforementioned trend of this knowledge’s restriction to older generations. With few to no younger members, a disruption in the transfer of WFF knowledge occurs which may prove to threaten the longevity of this knowledge. Many, if not most, of the ethnobotanical surveys analyzed for Sites of Forage even include a passage from the researchers recognizing the eroding state of WFF knowledge and state that a main motivation to carry out the research is to record WFF knowledge from these locales before it disappears entirely[26]. Thus, age is not merely just a factor that affects WFF knowledge at the local level, but influences a push in the entire field of ethnobotany to research and record this knowledge before it may disappear entirely.

Conclusion:
From these discussions, we see that age is a factor that plays a very significant role in the social settings of foraging locales. There is a wide tendency for older generations to hold the vast majority of WFF knowledge. Yet although this may entice researchers to focus exclusively on these more elderly sources, this may lead to an oversight which testifies to the exclusion of certain species. This is the case with edible wild flowers, which are often neglected in ethnobotanical studies since their older, primary informants disregard them as “children’s food” and therefore are not included in the locally verified body of WFF knowledge. Finally, age manifests itself as an import factor of WFF knowledge dynamics in the generational transmission of WFF knowledge from older generations to younger generations. The longevity of this knowledge in these rural communities depends on these vertical and oblique transfers; yet the migration of young people away from their homes and kin creates a disruption in the transfer of WFF knowledge and threatens its longevity.
Yet in these examples, we see how age does not only affect WFF knowledge at the local level, but also at a much broader level in the field of ethnobotany. The exclusivity of WFF knowledge to older generations produces a trend in ethnobotany to focus on older informants, which leads to an epistemic lack of foods typically consumed by younger generations. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the eroding knowledge of WFF largely resulting in the passing away of older generations creates an urgency that is currently pushing the entire field of ethnobotany to record local WFF knowledge before it’s too late. This theme will reoccur in many posts to come, and in a way has served as a motivation to create Sites of Forage in the first place.
But for now, we can definitively say that – much to the 90’s R&B star, Aaliyah’s, dismay – age is indeed much more than just a number; at least when it comes to WFF knowledge.

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Sites of Forage Recipe:

Dutch Baby with Wild Blackberries and Greek Yogurt



            For the first recipe of Sites of Forage, I decided to choose a dish that features a wild ingredient that everyone is a little more familiar with – blackberries. Don’t worry, there will be plenty more obscure ingredients to come that all of you hipsters will have a blast searching for in your raggedy flannel shirts and vintage glasses (no judgement, that’s pretty much a description of myself).
            In Heidelberg, wild blackberries can be found everywhere starting from about mid-July, and you don’t even need to go to great lengths to collect them. Some friends and I got the ones for this recipe on the side of a road next to the Bergfriedhof and in the woods just east of Weststadt; but I’ve even seen them growing in abundance next to the platforms of the Weststadt/Südstadt S-Bahnhof and along the Neckar west of the bridge connecting Neunheimer Feld and Bergheim.
However, my advice to you is wear a long pair of pants that you don’t care much about and gardening gloves that don’t limit your dexterity too much. Blackberry bushes are thorny as hell, and you will thank me later for taking these precautions before foraging for berries. In addition to wearing the proper equipment, make sure that whatever vessel you plan on collecting the berries in is something hard and preferably dishwasher friendly. A Tupperware container, an old tea or coffee tin, or one of those Nalgene bottles works great. If you use any sort of bag, the berries will get mushed; and if you use any sort of cloth bag, the berries will get mushed and stain your bag forever.

Blackberries (Rubus sectio Rubus)


As for the recipe, a quick Google search will show you that there’s a fair amount of ambiguity surrounding the name “Dutch Baby”. But regardless of the origins of its silly name, a Dutch Baby is an incredibly simple, tasty, and even theatrical dish. Essentially, a batter of equal parts by volume of eggs, milk, and flour with a bit of sugar and salt are poured into a pan of hot oil and immediately transferred into a preheated oven to cook until golden brown. The result is a puffy pancake-cloud that rises well above the sides of the pan. You know what? I’m going to call this dish from now on a puffy pancake-cloud.
To serve alongside you PPC, I think it’s best to keep the berries as simple as possible. When they are in season and ripe, they are so sweet and tart that it’s best to appreciate them in some raw form. If you wanted to, you could cook them until they break down and become nice and jammy. But personally, I think that you’ve already done enough to go out and forage for them; it suffices plenty just to mash the raw berries, a bit (but not too much) sugar, and a touch of lemon zest with a fork. This way you get a nice, saucy consistency but still can appreciate the fresh flavor of the berries. Add alongside a dollop of creamy Greek yogurt, and you have a quick, delicious, yet impressive and out of the ordinary dish to serve as a dessert or even an indulgent breakfast on the weekend.
If you’re new to foraging – or cooking, for that matter – then this puffy pancake-cloud with wild blackberries and Greek yogurt is a great place to start. Even if you are a seasoned veteran in either of those things, it is still a great recipe to have your repertoire and can accommodate whatever wild berries you would normally eat raw. Happy foraging and happy cooking!

Dutch Baby  Puffy Pancake-Cloud with Wild Blackberries and Greek Yogurt

Ingredients:

For the PPC:
4 eggs, at room temperature (if using eggs from the fridge, place them in a bowl with warm
            water for about 20-30 minutes before starting the recipe)
200 ml milk
1 Tbsp sugar or vanilla sugar
1 pinch salt
200 ml flour
2 – 3 Tbsp light cooking oil (i.e. vegetable, rapeseed, corn) or clarified butter (Butterschmalz,
            for those of us living in Germany)

For the topping:
~2 coffee mugs of wild blackberries
1 – 2 Tbsp sugar
1 small pinch salt
Zest of half a lemon
4 generous Tbsp Greek yogurt

Method:
            Preheat the oven to 220°C and an oven-proof pan over high heat. Whisk the eggs, milk, sugar and salt together in a mixing bowl. Add the flour in two stages and whisk to combine, making sure there are no lumps. If there are a few lumps, simply strain the batter through a fine sieve into another receptacle to remove lumps. At this point, the pan should be fully preheated and quite hot. Add the oil or clarified butter; there should be a thin layer of oil coating the entire bottom of the pan. Then add the batter carefully all in one go, avoiding splattering oil all over the kitchen and yourself. Immediately transfer the pan into the middle of the hot oven. Cook for 15-20 minutes and avoid opening the oven door throughout the entire cooking process; otherwise the PPC may deflate mid-cooking.
            While the PPC is baking, mash the berries with sugar, salt, and lemon zest in a bowl and set aside; this can also be done in advance.
Once golden brown and puffed up, remove PPC from oven and allow to cool for no more than 5 minutes; it will deflate over time once removed from the oven. Slice into portions and serve with a dollop of Greek yogurt and spoon over the mashed berries.  Makes 4 modest dessert portions or 2 generous breakfast portions.
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Sources:

Acerbi, Alberto, and Domenico Parisi. "Cultural Transmission between and within Generations." Journal of Artificial Societies and Social Simulation 9, no. 1 (2006).
Ali-Shtayeh, M. S., R. M. Jamous, J. H. Al-Shafie, W. A. Elgharabah, F. A. Kherfan, K. H. Qarariah, I. S. Khdair, et al. "Traditional Knowledge of Wild Edible Plants Used in Palestine (Northern West Bank): A Comparative Study." Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 4 (May 12 2008): 13.
Geng, Yanfei, Yu Zhang, Sailesh Ranjitkar, Huyin Huai, and Yuhua Wang. "Traditional Knowledge and Its Transmission of Wild Edibles Used by the Naxi in Baidi Village, Northwest Yunnan Province." Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 12 (February 05 2016): 10.
Kaliszewska, Iwona, and Iwona Kolodziejska-Degorska. "The Social Context of Wild Leafy Vegetables Uses in Shiri, Daghestan." Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 11 (August  11 2015): 63.
Ophir, Adi, and Steven Shapin. "The Place of Knowledge: A Methodological Survey." Science in Context 4  (1991): 3-21.
Pardo-de-Santayana, Manuel, Javier Tardío, Emilio Blanco, Ana Carvalho, Juan Lastra, Elia San Miguel, and Ramón Morales. "Traditional Knowledge of Wild Edible Plants Used in the Northwest of the Iberian Peninsula (Spain and Portugal): A Comparative Study." Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 3, no. 1 (2007): 27.
Signorini, Maria Adele, Maddalena Piredda, and Piero Bruschi. "Plants and Traditional Knowledge: An Ethnobotanical Investigation on Monte Ortobene (Nuoro, Sardinia)." Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 5 (Feb 10 2009): 6.
Uprety, Yadav, Ram C. Poudel, Krishna K. Shrestha, Sangeeta Rajbhandary, Tiwar N. Narednra, Uttam B. Shrestha, and Hugo Asselin. "Diversity of Use and Local Knowledge of Wild Edible Plant Resources in Nepal." Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 8:16 (2012).



[1] Manuel Pardo-de-Santayana et al., "Traditional Knowledge of Wild Edible Plants Used in the Northwest of the Iberian Peninsula (Spain and Portugal): A Comparative Study," Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 3, no. 1 (2007).
[2] See Geng et al, Kaliszewska et al., Pardo-de-Santayana et al, and Signorini et al. for more ethnobotanical studies relying on older informants.
[3] M. S. Ali-Shtayeh et al., "Traditional Knowledge of Wild Edible Plants Used in Palestine (Northern West Bank): A Comparative Study," Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 4 (2008).
[4] Yanfei Geng et al., "Traditional Knowledge and Its Transmission of Wild Edibles Used by the Naxi in Baidi Village, Northwest Yunnan Province," ibid.12 (2016).
[5] Manuel Pardo-de-Santayana et al., "Traditional Knowledge of Wild Edible Plants Used in the Northwest of the Iberian Peninsula (Spain and Portugal): A Comparative Study," ibid.3, no. 1 (2007).
[6] Yadav Uprety et al., "Diversity of Use and Local Knowledge of Wild Edible Plant Resources in Nepal," ibid.8:16 (2012).
[7] Ibid.
[8] Ibid.
[9] See Kaliszewska et al., Pardo-de-Santayana et al., and Signorini et al. for more information about flowers as WFF.
[10] See Kaliszewska et al., Pardo-de-Santayana et al., and Signorini et al. for more information about flowers being traditionally a children’s snack.
[11] Pardo-de-Santayana et al.
[12] Maria Adele Signorini, Maddalena Piredda, and Piero Bruschi, "Plants and Traditional Knowledge: An Ethnobotanical Investigation on Monte Ortobene (Nuoro, Sardinia)," ibid.5 (2009).
[13] Iwona Kaliszewska and Iwona Kolodziejska-Degorska, "The Social Context of Wild Leafy Vegetables Uses in Shiri, Daghestan," ibid.11 (2015).
[14] Ibid.
[15] Adi Ophir and Steven Shapin, "The Place of Knowledge: A Methodological Survey," Science in Context 4  (1991).
[16] Pardo-de-Santayana et al.
[17] Yadav Uprety et al., "Diversity of Use and Local Knowledge of Wild Edible Plant Resources in Nepal," ibid.8:16 (2012).
[18] Alberto Acerbi and Domenico Parisi, "Cultural Transmission between and within Generations," Journal of Artificial Societies and Social Simulation 9, no. 1 (2006).
[19] Ibid.
[20] Ibid.
[21] See Al-Shtayeh et al., Kaliszewska et al., and Pardo-de-Santayana et al. for explicit mentions of foraging practices’ link to more rural communities.
[22] Kaliszewska and Kolodziejska-Degorska.
[23] Ibid.
[24] See Geng et al., and Kaliszewska et al. for examples of young people moving away from rural homes.
[25] Geng et al.
[26] See Al-Shtayeh et al., Geng et al., Signorini et al., and Uprety et al. for examples of motivation to conduct research due to a widespread erosion in WFF knowledge.

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